麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死【实用3篇】
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死 篇一
尊敬的各位听众们，
今天，我站在这里向你们告别。这是我离开军队的时刻，离开了我一生中最热爱的事业。我站在这里，不是因为我感到悲伤或失落，而是因为我想向你们传达一个重要的信息：老兵永不死。
当我回顾过去的岁月，我想起了那些年轻的战士们，他们在战场上奋勇向前，为了国家和自由而战。他们的勇气和坚定让我深感自豪。这些战士们，无论他们是从军的理由是什么，他们都付出了巨大的牺牲，为了我们的国家和我们的家园。
我还记得在第二次世界大战期间，当我们的军队在日本的太平洋战场上取得胜利时，我们的士兵们以无与伦比的勇气和毅力战斗。他们冒着生命危险，为了保卫自由而奋斗。他们的勇气和忠诚是无可比拟的，他们为我们树立了一个榜样，告诉我们应该如何为国家奉献。
然而，战争并不仅仅是胜利和荣誉的象征。它还伴随着巨大的痛苦和牺牲。在战争中，我们失去了无数的士兵，他们为了国家的利益献出了自己的生命。他们的牺牲是无法用言语来表达的，但我们应该永远怀念他们，感激他们的奉献和牺牲。
正因为如此，我要告诉你们，老兵永不死。他们的精神和勇气会一直存在于我们的心中。我们应该铭记他们的牺牲，永远怀念他们的贡献。我们应该向他们学习，继续为国家的利益而努力。
作为老兵，我将永远保持对国家的忠诚和热爱。我将继续为国家和社会做出贡献，为保卫自由和正义而战斗。我希望每个人都能意识到，我们每个人都有责任为国家做出自己的贡献。无论是在战场上还是在平凡的生活中，我们都可以为国家做出重要的贡献。
最后，让我们共同庆祝老兵的勇气和奉献精神。让我们铭记那些为国家而牺牲的勇士们，永远怀念他们的贡献。让我们继续努力，为国家的繁荣和和平而奋斗。老兵永不死，他们的精神将永远在我们心中。
谢谢大家！
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死 篇二
尊敬的各位听众们，
我站在这里，向你们告别。这是我离开军队的时刻，我将远离我一生中最热爱的事业。然而，我并不感到悲伤或失落，因为我知道老兵永不死。
在我生命的旅程中，我见证了无数勇敢的士兵们为了国家和自由而战斗的场景。他们的英勇和牺牲精神令我深感自豪。他们无论是出于责任、荣誉还是国家的召唤，都毫不犹豫地冲向战场，为了我们的国家和我们的家园。
回想起第二次世界大战，当我们的军队在太平洋战场上取得胜利时，我感到无比自豪。我们的士兵们以无与伦比的勇气和决心战斗，冒着生命危险，捍卫自由。他们的勇气和忠诚无可比拟，他们树立了一个榜样，教会我们如何为国家奉献。
然而，战争并不仅仅是胜利和荣耀的象征。它伴随着无尽的痛苦和巨大的牺牲。在战争中，我们失去了无数的士兵，他们为了国家的利益献出了自己的生命。他们的牺牲无法用言语来表达，但我们应该永远怀念他们，感激他们的奉献和牺牲。
正因为如此，我要告诉你们，老兵永不死。他们的精神和勇气将永远存在于我们的心中。我们应该铭记他们的牺牲，永远怀念他们的贡献。我们应该向他们学习，继续为国家的利益而努力。
作为一名老兵，我将永远保持对国家的忠诚和热爱。我将继续为国家和社会做出贡献，为保卫自由和正义而战斗。我希望每个人都能意识到，我们每个人都有责任为国家做出自己的贡献。无论是在战场上还是在平凡的生活中，我们都可以为国家做出重要的贡献。
最后，让我们共同庆祝老兵的勇气和奉献精神。让我们铭记那些为国家而牺牲的勇士们，永远怀念他们的贡献。让我们继续努力，为国家的繁荣和和平而奋斗。老兵永不死，他们的精神将永远在我们心中。
谢谢大家！
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死 篇三
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- hu
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot pide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can pide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, inpidual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
